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Any
critical assessment of Peter’s prodigious labors invariably
entails a value judgment about the effects and nature of his
transformation. Was it beneficial or destructive to Russia’s
interests? Did it signify real progress or was obstructive to
genuine and urgently needed change? The intellectual and
political controversy over Peter’s legacy has been raging for
nearly two centuries and shows no signs of abating. Its two
opposite extremes may be expressed with the help of the
following contrasting propositions: (1) ‘Peter’s Reform brought
Russians into the fold of the world humanity’: (2) ‘Peter’s
aping of Western ways marked the beginning Russia’s descent into
barbarity’. |
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Peter was first given the credit for being a Great Transformer in the
positive sense by a group of Russian nineteenth-century intellectuals
known as the ‘Westernizers’. The Russian philosopher Peter Chaadaev, for
example, argued that Peter found Russia as ‘only a blank page when he
came to power, and with a strong hand he wrote on it Europe
and Occident: from that time on we were part of Europe and of
the Occident’. The Russian historian Sergei Soloviev, too ,
maintained that: ‘No people have ever equaled the heroic feat performed
by the Russians during the first quarter of the eighteenth century’.
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The famous literary critic Vissarion Belinsky compared
Peter to a god ‘who called us back to life, who blew a living soul
into the body of ancient Russia, colossal, but sunk in a deadly
torpor’. The Westernizing intellectuals generally lauded
Peter’s attempt at Europeanizing Russia. But even in their midst
there were some whose attitude to Peter was more complex than
simple unequivocal approbation. Some pointed out that, while Peter
had introduced western influences, he had also developed
institutions that would impede Russia’s future progress to a more
democratic society along Western lines.
A
predominantly negative view of Peter the reformer was developed by
the ‘Slavophiles’
who were the intellectual opponents of the ‘Westernizers’.
According to the Slavophiles, Peter’s reforms had permanently
damaged the very fabric of traditional society by introducing alien
ideas and institutions. They destroyed the harmonious unity of
Russian society by creating a chasm between the government and the
people. By implementing the Westernizing reforms, the government had
severed itself from its roots in the ‘Russian Land’. One of the
chief ideologists of the Slavophiles, Konstantin Aksakov, observed:
‘The agents of the State, the serving class go over to the side of
the State. The populace, the common people proper, continue to live
by the old principles. The upheaval is accompanied by violence...
Russia is split in two, into two capitals. On the one hand, the
State with its foreign capital of St Petersburg; and on the other,
the Land, the people, with its Russian capital of Moscow ‘.
Yet even the
Slavophiles, who generally condemned Peter’s reforms, did not
completely loose sight of certain positive sides of his
transformation. Thus, Ivan Kireevsky regarded highly Peter’s efforts
to promote enlightenment in Russia and thought that these: ‘... to a
great extent justify the extremes to which he went. Love of
enlightenment was his passion. He saw it as Russia’s sole salvation,
and Europe as its only source’.
The
agonizing ambivalence towards Peter’s legacy, which was first so
vividly revealed during the protracted and animated debate between
Westernizers and Slavophiles a hundred and fifty years ago, has
persisted in Russian social and political thought right into the
twentieth century. Entirely negative evaluations of Peter’s
modernization have been arrived at, for example, by such outstanding
Russian thinkers as Nicholas Trubestkoy and Nicholas Berdyaev.
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According to Trubestkoy, Russia, as a result of the Westernization
forced upon her by Peter the Great, lost her cultural identity and
yet failed to assimilate properly the Western traditions. She thus
ended up in a sort of a cultural cul-de-sac: ‘If before Peter the
Great Russia and her culture could be considered almost the most
gifted and fertile successor of Byzantium, then after Peter the
Great, having taken the road of “Romano-Germanic” orientation, she
found herself at the tail of European culture, in the backyard of
civilization’. |
The
philosopher Berdyaev has been probably the strongest critic of Peter
in the twentieth century. Berdyaev drew a direct parallel between
Peter and the destructive impact of the communist experiment. The
Petrine and Bolshevik Revolutions, he said showed: ‘the same
barbarity, violence, forcible application of certain principles from
above downwards, the same rupture of organic development and
repudiation of tradition... the same desire sharply and radically
to change the type of civilization’. The resemblance between the
radicalism of the Petrine transformation and the Bolshevik methods
of social engineering has been noted by the poet Maximilian Voloshin
who in one if his poems has described Peter as ‘the first
Bolshevik’.
These negative
perceptions contrast with views upholding Peter’s claim to
greatness. Ivan Il’in, for instance, an outstanding twentieth
century theoretician of Russian monarchism, has called Peter ‘the
greatest of monarchs’ and asserted that : ‘Russia needed Peter the
Great in order to discover and reveal her great power status (‘velikoderzhavie’)’.